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  <title>DSpace Colección : Documentos de organismos y entidades especializadas sobre libertad de expresión y derechos conexos</title>
  <link rel="alternate" href="https://repositorio.consejodecomunicacion.gob.ec//handle/CONSEJO_REP/94" />
  <subtitle>Documentos de organismos y entidades especializadas sobre libertad de expresión y derechos conexos</subtitle>
  <id>https://repositorio.consejodecomunicacion.gob.ec//handle/CONSEJO_REP/94</id>
  <updated>2026-08-28T22:17:06Z</updated>
  <dc:date>2026-08-28T22:17:06Z</dc:date>
  <entry>
    <title>“I Don’t Care About Politics, I Just Like That Guy!” Affective Disposition and Political Attributes in Information Processing of Political Talk Shows</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="https://repositorio.consejodecomunicacion.gob.ec//handle/CONSEJO_REP/12240" />
    <author>
      <name>Winmann, Carina</name>
    </author>
    <author>
      <name>Roth, Franzisca</name>
    </author>
    <author>
      <name>Schneider, Frank</name>
    </author>
    <author>
      <name>Krämer, Tanja</name>
    </author>
    <author>
      <name>Hopp, Frederic</name>
    </author>
    <author>
      <name>Bindl, Melanie</name>
    </author>
    <author>
      <name>Vorderer, Peter</name>
    </author>
    <id>https://repositorio.consejodecomunicacion.gob.ec//handle/CONSEJO_REP/12240</id>
    <updated>2026-08-28T20:43:37Z</updated>
    <published>2017-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Título : “I Don’t Care About Politics, I Just Like That Guy!” Affective Disposition and Political Attributes in Information Processing of Political Talk Shows
Autor : Winmann, Carina; Roth, Franzisca; Schneider, Frank; Krämer, Tanja; Hopp, Frederic; Bindl, Melanie; Vorderer, Peter
Resumen : Drawing on the affect infusion model and on affective disposition theory, this study aims to explain the influence of viewers’ affective disposition toward the guests of political TV talk shows on their information processing and judgments. The affective disposition was manipulated in an experiment. Results suggest that this affective disposition remained stable during exposure to the program, leading to predetermined information processing of the discussed political issue and a judgment that is consistent with the one made by the guest. Without prior manipulation of affective disposition, affective involvement with the issue influenced the viewers’ judgments instead, indicating open information processing.</summary>
    <dc:date>2017-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>Access to Rabat: De Jure Policies and De Facto Realities in Moroccan Newspaper Coverage of the February 20 Movement and Constitutional Reforms, 2011–2012</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="https://repositorio.consejodecomunicacion.gob.ec//handle/CONSEJO_REP/12239" />
    <author>
      <name>Freeman, Bradley</name>
    </author>
    <id>https://repositorio.consejodecomunicacion.gob.ec//handle/CONSEJO_REP/12239</id>
    <updated>2026-08-28T20:43:04Z</updated>
    <published>2017-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Título : Access to Rabat: De Jure Policies and De Facto Realities in Moroccan Newspaper Coverage of the February 20 Movement and Constitutional Reforms, 2011–2012
Autor : Freeman, Bradley
Resumen : This article observes Moroccan newspaper coverage surrounding the February 20 movement and subsequent constitutional reforms. Taking various aspects of the media landscape into account, I examine the similarities and differences in three newspapers’ patterns of coverage concerning these two important historical events. The study relies on framing theory and notions of the public sphere to inform a descriptive content analysis of newspaper coverage. Findings indicate that the papers treaded carefully in the early days as the movement coalesced; that there was an oppositional voice developing; and that coverage quickly shifted toward the king’s speech, which offered up constitutional reforms ―providing a safer focus for which the newspapers could then offer a forum and which they could more carefully cover. One newspaper associated with the monarchy, Le Matin, never mentioned the February 20 movement in its coverage of events during this historic period.</summary>
    <dc:date>2017-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>A Noneventful Social Movement: The Occupy Wall Street Movement’s Struggle Over Privately Owned Public Space</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="https://repositorio.consejodecomunicacion.gob.ec//handle/CONSEJO_REP/12238" />
    <author>
      <name>Cao, Hao</name>
    </author>
    <id>https://repositorio.consejodecomunicacion.gob.ec//handle/CONSEJO_REP/12238</id>
    <updated>2026-08-28T20:41:57Z</updated>
    <published>2017-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Título : A Noneventful Social Movement: The Occupy Wall Street Movement’s Struggle Over Privately Owned Public Space
Autor : Cao, Hao
Resumen : Why did the Occupy Wall Street movement settle in Zuccotti Park, a privately owned public space? Why did the movement get evicted after a two-month occupation? To answer these questions, this study offers a new tentative framework, spatial opportunity structure, to understand spatial politics in social movements as the interaction of spatial structure and agency. Drawing on opportunity structure models, Sewell’s dual concept of spatial structure and agency, and his concept of event, I analyze how the Occupy activists took over and repurposed Zuccotti Park from a site of consumption and leisure to a space of political claim making. Yet, with unsympathetic public opinion, intensifying policing and surveillance, and unfavorable court rulings privileging property rights over speech rights, the temporary success did not stabilize into a durable transformation of spatial structure. My study not only explains the Occupy movement’s spatial politics but also offers a novel framework to understand the struggle over privatization of public space for future social movements and public speech and assembly in general.</summary>
    <dc:date>2017-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>Personal and Public Levels of Political Incivility</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="https://repositorio.consejodecomunicacion.gob.ec//handle/CONSEJO_REP/12237" />
    <author>
      <name>Mudimman, Ashley</name>
    </author>
    <id>https://repositorio.consejodecomunicacion.gob.ec//handle/CONSEJO_REP/12237</id>
    <updated>2026-08-28T20:08:46Z</updated>
    <published>2017-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Título : Personal and Public Levels of Political Incivility
Autor : Mudimman, Ashley
Resumen : As interest in political incivility has grown, scholarly conceptualizations of incivility have diverged, often centering on politeness theory or deliberative theory, but rarely on both. The current project addresses this problem by empirically investigating a two-dimensional incivility model. Two experiments test individuals’ perceptions of uncivil interactions among political figures, finding that (a) personal-level incivility (impoliteness) and public-level incivility (lack of deliberativeness and reciprocity) are distinct concepts, (b) personal-level incivility is perceived as more uncivil than public-level incivility, and (c) political figures from a person’s own political party are perceived as more civil than others. Future researchers can use this two-dimensional model to bring coherence to the incivility literature and more thoroughly investigate the effects of public-level incivility.</summary>
    <dc:date>2017-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
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